17 June 2018

Hong Kong Independence Activists Sentenced to Long Jail Terms

A significant number of pro-democracy activists in Hong Kong have concluded that the territory will never be fully democratic as long as it remains part of China. Accordingly, some pro-democracy activists have begun to call publicly for the territory's independence from China. Such statements are theoretically legal in Hong Kong: the territory's residents enjoy far more political freedom than other Chinese citizens.

Two well-known pro-independence activists, however, were involved in a violent Hong Kong street protest two years ago. This week, they were sentenced to lengthy jail terms for their misconduct. The sentences they received were far longer than those meted out to the many other young people involved in the protests, and were clearly intended to discourage other activists from publicly advocating independence for the territory:

https://www.economist.com/china/2018/06/16/a-lengthy-jail-term-sends-a-message-to-hong-kongs-rebellious-youth

The Future of Democracy

An essay in this week's issue of The Economist examines the reasons for the decline of democracy globally over the last decade:

https://www.economist.com/international/2018/06/16/after-decades-of-triumph-democracy-is-losing-ground

05 June 2018

The Plight of the Uyghurs

In China's Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, 45.2% of the population is Uyghur, while 40.6% of the population is Han Chinese. The Uyghurs are a Central Asian ethnic group. They speak a Turkic language; most practice Sufi Islam (a branch of Sunni Islam). Several Uyghur separatist groups have operated in Xinjiang in the past decade; some have carried out acts of violence against Chinese officials and Chinese troops stationed in the region. In July 2009, mobs of Uyghurs attacked Han Chinese residents of Urumqi, Xinjiang's capital; several days later, gangs of Han Chinese attacked Uyghur Urumqi residents. According to the Chinese government, 197 people were killed in the Urumqi riots; Uyghur exile groups contend that the actual death toll was far higher.

In recent decades, the Chinese government has resettled hundreds of thousands of Han Chinese in Xinjiang, in order to tie the region more closely to the rest of China. (Sixty-five years ago, less than 10% of the population of Xinjiang was Han Chinese). In many parts of Xinjiang, Han Chinese residents live in settlements separate from the towns and villages where the Uyghurs (and other residents of Central Asian ancestry) live. The Han settlements have their own schools, hospitals, police forces and courts; each settlement also has its own militia, which helps ensure the authority of the Chinese government in the region.

Moreover, according to The Economist, since 2016
the [Xinjiang] provincial government has vastly increased the money and effort it puts into controlling the activities and patrolling the beliefs of the Uighur population. Its regime is racist, uncaring and totalitarian, in the sense of aiming to affect every aspect of people's lives. It has created a fully-fledged police state. And it is committing some of the most extensive, and neglected, human rights violations in the world.
"China Has Turned Xinjiang into a Police State Like No Other." The Economist, 2 June 2018, pp. 19-22, https://www.economist.com/briefing/2018/05/31/china-has-turned-xinjiang-into-a-police-state-like-no-other. Accessed 5 June 2018.

04 June 2018

Notes from the Tehran Social Scene

In Iran, the government regulates personal behavior very strictly. Unmarried men and women may only socialize if they are properly chaperoned. Women must wear headscarves in public, and must wear clothes that cover their entire bodies (except for their hands and faces). Popular music and dancing are forbidden, and drinking alcohol is punishable by public flogging.

Nonetheless, as an article in Sunday's New York Times makes clear, these restrictions are frequently (if discreetly) flouted:

https://www.nytimes.com/2018/06/02/world/middleeast/iran-taboos-parties-alcohol.html

03 June 2018

Education Reforms a Key Issue in Mexico's Presidential Election

Mexican voters will choose a new president on 1 July 2018. At the same time, they will elect all 500 members of the Chamber of Deputies (the lower house of the country's Congress) and all 128 members of the Mexican Senate. The outgoing president, Enrique Peña Nieto of the centrist Institutional Revolutionary Party (Partido Revolucionario Institucional, or PRI), is deeply unpopular. But in the first three years of his six-year term (sexenio), Peña Nieto persuaded the Mexican Congress to enact a number of significant reforms aimed at making Mexico more competitive economically.

Some of Peña Nieto’s reforms changed Mexico’s system of public education. Mexico's teachers are now hired and regularly evaluated by the Mexican federal government’s Secretariat of Public Education, and not by the country's teachers’ unions. New teachers must pass competitive examinations in order to gain employment: teachers are no longer able to buy, sell or inherit positions. 

The future of Peña Nieto’s educational reforms is in some doubt, however: the current front-runner for the presidency, Andrés Manuel López Obrador of the left-wing National Regeneration Movement (Movimiento Regeneración Nacional, or MORENA), has vowed to repeal them. But even if López Obrador wins the presidency, he might not have sufficient support in the Mexican Congress to repeal the reforms. Then again, he could try to weaken the reforms by appointing federal officials who will not enforce them:


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